Saturday

-

Advance Missiles

--

17 August 2012

HEZBOLLAH CLAIMS IT HAS MORDERN MISSILES

Jews will pay the worst price in the next war, warns Hizbollah Commander.

Lebanese gorilla leader Hasan Nasrallah threatned to make the lives of the citizens of Israel very uncomfortable in the event of the next war. He vowed to turn their lives into hell. Speaking on Al Quds Day he expressed his support for Palestinians who are under occupation by the Israeli military. Hizbollah Chief claims to know exactly where to hit Israel. Nasrallah said he has made a list of top targets.

--

Hezbollah says can make Israeli lives 'hell'

AP – Friday 17 August 2012

BEIRUT - Lebanese Shiite militant group Hezbollah will transform the lives of Israelis to "hell" if Israel attacks Lebanon, its leader said on Friday, adding that the group would not hesitate to hit targets that would leave tens of thousands of Israelis dead.

Speaking in a televised speech marking Jerusalem Day — an annual rally in support of the Palestinians - Shiekh Hassan Nasrallah said only a few rockets fired by the group's militia could cause massive casualties, given its well-planned target list.

"Rockets are ready and directed at these targets," he said. "We will not hesitate to use them, if we have to, at any point in time in the course of aggression against our country to protect our people," he added.

"Hezbollah cannot destroy Israel but we can transform the lives of millions of Zionists in occupied Palestine into a real hell," the black-turbaned Nasrallah said. "We can change the face of Israel."

--

Hezbollah says can kill tens of thousands of Israelis

By Tom Perry – REUTERS - Fri Aug 17, 2012

Hezbollah said on Friday it could kill tens of thousands of Israelis by hitting targets with what it described as precision-guided missiles in a declaration that seemed aimed at deterring Israeli strikes on Lebanon or its regional backer Iran.

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said his group could turn the lives of hundreds of thousands of Israelis "to real hell" by hitting a small number of number of targets which he said was "not large" - a possible reference to nuclear facilities, though Nasrallah would not go into details.

"During any stage of an attack on our country, if we are forced to use or target this type of target, to protect our people and country, we will not hesitate," he said.

Nasrallah's remarks will likely be factored into Israeli calculations ahead of any military action against Iran, which is pursuing a nuclear program viewed as an existential threat in Israel.

Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak has said he believes his country would suffer up to 500 casualties in any conflict aimed at wiping out Iran's nuclear facilities - which both Israel and Western powers believe Tehran is using to develop nuclear weapons.

"We can talk about tens of thousands of dead," Nasrallah said in a speech to mark Jerusalem Day, commemorated on the last Friday of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan according to a tradition established by Iran's late Ayatollah Khomeini.

"I tell the Israelis that you have a number of targets, not a large number that can be hit with precision rockets we have," Nasrallah said.

"Hitting these targets with a small number of rockets will turn the lives of hundreds of thousands of Zionists to real hell," he said.

Nasrallah did not say whether the precision-guided rockets he described in his speech were a new addition to the group's arsenal. Marking Jerusalem Day in Tehran, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said there was no place for Israel in a future Middle East.

Nasrallah said Israel was still debating whether to attack Iran because "Iran was strong and brave". "We all know that the Islamic republic's response will be very great and thunderous if it is targeted by Israel".

--

Hezbollah warns of living 'hell' for Israelis if attacked

AFP - 17 August 2012

Lebanon's Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah warned on Friday that his Iranian-backed Shiite militia would make lives of Israelis "a living hell" if it is attacked.

"There are targets in occupied Palestine (Israel) which could be targeted by a small number of missiles," Nasrallah said.

"If we are forced to use them to protect our people and our country, we will not hesitate to do so... and that will turn the lives of hundreds of thousands of Zionists into a living hell," he said in a speech marking Al-Quds (Jerusalem) Day.

Nasrallah warned of "tens of thousands of deaths, and not just 300 to 500 dead," adding that Hezbollah, which is also backed by Syria, had fixed its targets.

Hezbollah follows the example of its backer in marking Quds Day, a show of support for the Palestinians over the disputed holy city of Jerusalem.

--

EU loves Nasrallah

--

European Union Backs Iran's Hezbollah

September 25, 2012

While Britain and the Netherlands urged other EU governments to join the United States in imposing sanctions on Hezbollah, they were unable to convince the other EU members.

Last July, Avigdor Lieberman, the Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs, visited the EU capital, Brussels, to persuade the EU to follow America's example and classify Hezbollah a terrorist organization. Lieberman met with resistance – a lot. He was attempting to isolate Hezbollah after the July 18 suicide bombing at Bulgarian airport.

According to Israeli and American intelligence sources, the terrorist attack was the work of Hezbollah, upon orders from Iran. Nevertheless, the Cypriot minister of Foreign Affairs, Erato Kozakou-Marcoullis, who currently holds the rotating EU presidency said that there is "no tangible evidence of Hezbollah engaging in acts of terrorism;" hence, there was "no consensus for putting Hezbollah on the list of terrorist organizations." He emphasized that Hezbollah was an organization with a political as well as an armed wing and that it has representatives in the Lebanese parliament and government.

In 2008, the Netherlands declared Hezbollah and all its branches terrorist entities. Britain considers only its armed wing a terrorist group. Consequently, Hezbollah can operate freely all over Europe, except in the Netherlands. Apart from the Netherlands and the United States, only Canada, Australia and New Zealand have classified Hezbollah as a terrorist group. The European Parliament did the same in a 2005 resolution, but as the latter was non-binding the EU has ignored it.

Jacob Campbell, a researcher at the British Institute for Middle Eastern Democracy, told the Jerusalem Post: "Within just days of the Burgas bombing – almost undoubtedly perpetrated by Hezbollah – the Presidency of the EU Council explicitly ruled out the possibility of listing Hezbollah as a terrorist organization, insisting that there is no 'tangible evidence' to link Hezbollah to terrorism. This ludicrous statement was made despite an earlier resolution adopted by the European Parliament, which cites 'clear evidence' of terrorist acts committed by Hezbollah. On this issue, as in so many others, Brussels appears to have its head buried firmly in the sand."

France is one of the countries that oppose the efforts to blacklist Hezbollah. France, the former colonial power in Lebanon, wants to preserve its diplomatic influence in that country.

The German government, too, refuses to draw the obvious conclusion regarding Hezbollah, although the German domestic intelligence agency, the Bundesverfassungsschutz, has warned that Hezbollah has over 900 active members in Germany.

Meanwhile, one can only hope that the new government in the Netherlands, in which the pro-Palestinian Labor Party is likely to participate, does not reverse the current Dutch policies. The courageous stance of the past Dutch government and its willingness to face the facts, has led to a more realistic view on the part of ordinary Dutch citizens regarding politics in the Middle East. A recent poll showed that the Dutch are far more positive towards Israel than they were nine years ago. In 2003, 71% of the Dutch regarded Israel as a "threat to world peace," while today this percentage has dwindled to 35%, with 36% regarding the Palestinian Authority as a threat to peace.

--


Islam Defended

--

PROPHET'S DEFENDER

Hizbollah leader: "We'll sacrifice our blood for Mohammed."

Nasrallah warns U.S. of "dire consequences" if it doesn't ban insulting film  
Facing waning local support for his movement, pressure from Tehran and the potential dethroning of his Syrian patron, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah has emerged from his bunker with a burst of energy.

On Monday, Hezbollah secretary general Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah departed from routine and appeared in public, at a Beirut protest rally he staged to decry "Innocence of Muslims" - the film that has sparked a cascade of rage and opprobrium in the Muslim world. The Hezbollah chief blamed Israel and the United States for distributing the movie, and warned the Americans that the demonstrations against them around the world will escalate should they not pull the plug on it.

"The world must realize that our rage will not subside. This is just the start of a wave of global protest sponsored by all the Muslim peoples. The aim will be to defend the Prophet Mohammed's name," Nasrallah told the masses, who marched through Hezbollah stronghold in southern Beirut.

"They didn't understand," he continued, "that the way they depicted the Prophet would insult us. They need to realize that on behalf of Mohammed, we will spill our blood."

The Hezbollah leader also found a symbolic way to demonstrate his own willingness to sacrifice himself for Mohammed. After shunning public appearances for years, due to personal security concerns, he chose to appear at this rally (this was only his fifth public appearance in six years). To some extent, the moment Nasrallah decided to stage the protest and manifest what he called "our commitment to the prophet," he didn't have much choice and was compelled to leave his bunker. He knew that were he to issue such forthright declarations and warnings while in hiding, he would be scorned by critics in Lebanon.

Nasrallah became Hezbollah's secretary general in 1992, after being appointed directly by Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He succeeded Abbas al-Musawi, who was assassinated by Israel, and, at 52, is one of the youngest leaders in the Middle East today. In recent weeks, Nasrallah has confronted unprecedented criticism of his organization, which challenges his leadership and undermines its status.

Calls to disarm

Like Nasrallah, in 1992 Hezbollah also became a central player in Lebanese society and politics. Indeed, Nasrallah managed to turn Hezbollah into an integral part of Lebanon's reality. No longer was it an organization that merely represented the state's weakest minority, the Shi'ites. Today, the Shi'ite Party of God is represented in the country's parliament and cabinet; it controls key appointments in the army and helps choose the prime minister.

Nasrallah's current predicament is related to the fact that his ally and second patron - after Khamenei - Syrian President Bashar Assad, is liable to be ousted in the near future. While the implications of regime change in Damascus are unclear, there are signs that the awe in which many Lebanese once held Syria and Hezbollah is steadily eroding. It could all but disappear if and when Assad loses power in Damascus.

Signs of such change can currently be seen on Lebanon's sociopolitical landscape. Lebanon's March 14 coalition is calling for Hezbollah to be disarmed. In tandem, that alliance is urging President Michel Sleiman to call on the UN Security Council to deploy UNIFIL peacekeeping forces as a buffer along the country's northeastern border. The consequences of such a deployment could be grave for Hezbollah, since the area serves as the conduit through which the organization receives most of its firearms.

For Nasrallah, this is also a year of decision, owing largely to his dependence upon Iran and its leader, Khamenei. Top figures in Iran are eager to use Hezbollah as a proxy to fight Tehran's battles in a scenario in which Iran is attacked by Israel. Under such circumstances, Iran's leadership would likely expect that the Lebanese Shi'ite organization fire its arsenal of missiles against Israel.

Meanwhile, Mohammad Ali Jafari, head of Iran's Revolutionary Guard, has announced that operatives from its Al Quds force are operating in Lebanon.

Thus, after cultivating for 20 years an independent "Lebanese" profile, Nasrallah now finds himself hedged in publicly by Tehran, and forced into the role of Iran's possible defender. In view of very explicit statements made on this subject - and also Hezbollah's total economic dependence upon Tehran - Nasrallah will have little option other than attacking Israel under a scenario of a Netanyahu-precipitated strike on Iran's nuclear installations. Any such Hezbollah attack would jeopardize the Shi'ite organization's survival, and also drag Lebanon into an arduous war that could ultimately undermine the stability of the country's fragile government.

Nasrallah is responding to the pressures with a burst of energy. He makes countless speeches and issues incendiary threats, hoping to come across as the "defender of Lebanon" in the eyes of the country's non-Shi'ite population. He is likely to step up this speechmaking in coming weeks. He has apparently taken on the role of "the Prophet Mohammed's defender," to reinforce his organization's public status. Yet it appears that verbal attacks leveled by Hezbollah critics will escalate - it's possible that Hezbollah could even end up in a violent engagement with extreme Sunni forces in Lebanon.

During similar predicaments in the past, Nasrallah attempted to extricate himself from public pressure by ratcheting up border tensions with Israel, sometimes via military actions such as kidnapping Israel Defense Forces soldiers (for example, the events of July 2006 which precipitated the Second Lebanon War ). This year, and not necessarily as a result of the leader's connections with Tehran, Hezbollah could try to deflect the public pressure it faces in Lebanon by directing energy against the "Zionist enemy" in the south.

In coming months, Nasrallah will be the figure who decides Lebanon's fate, and whether it will be one of quiet or war.


Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah is seen speaking on a giant screen.


Friday

War Film

--

War Film Celebrates Historic Victory over Israel

--

New Lebanese action film glorifies Hezbollah in 2006 war with Israel

Since its premier, the hit action film "33 Days" has sold a lot of tickets, yet not everyone is excited; ‘There are some Lebanese who don't want to see anything that has to do with war. Others love it,’ says theater manager.

01 June 2012

The villain in Lebanon's new hit war movie: a cigar-smoking Israeli army colonel who sports a cowboy hat and a handlebar mustache and repeatedly orders troops to shell Lebanese villages. The heroes: residents of one such village who band together to fight Israeli troops.

The film, "33 Days" tells the story of the 2006 war between Israel and the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah in one front-line village and glorifies "the resistance" - shorthand among many Lebanese for Hezbollah and other groups that fight Israel.

The movie is unlikely to screen in Israel or the West. But in Lebanon, still officially at war with the Jewish state, it has drawn large crowds since opening on April 19. Audiences often cheer when Hezbollah rockets smash into Israeli tanks, indicating the hatred still aimed across the border six years after a war that began with a cross-border Hezbollah raid and killed 160 people in Israel and about 1,200 in Lebanon, reducing parts of south Beirut and many southern villages to rubble.

The film also reflects Iranian influence in Lebanon that goes beyond the increasingly sophisticated weapons it gives to Hezbollah, which has parlayed that support into a position as the most powerful political and military force in Lebanon, dictating the makeup of the country's current government.

The film's director and much of its funding and crew came from Iran. Although Hezbollah played no official role in producing it, the film serves as a feature-length advertisement for the anti-Israel struggle.

Ali Bouzeid, chairman of the film's Lebanese production company, denied that the film is political, comparing it to footage of workers in a bank fighting off armed robbers.

"If I get the footage of that and show it, is that a political film?" he asked. "It's a reality that happened."

Others see it differently.

"These films strengthen the culture of resistance among people, encourage them and make them sympathize with the resistance in all of Lebanon," actor Bassem Mughniyeh said in a promotional video released online.

Iran's quasi-governmental Farabi production company provided more than half of the film's $4 million budget, Bouzeid said. A Farsi-language version opened late last year in Iran, and the original Arabic is now showing in theaters across Lebanon. Bouzeid said he is negotiating distribution elsewhere in the Arab world and Turkey.

The film was shot in a 5,000-square-yard (meter) set built to represent the south Lebanon village of Aita al-Shaab. Most of the set was destroyed in the film's production, just like the real village during the war.

The actors are Lebanese, Bouzeid said, but most of the crew was Iranian. With a focus on battle scenes, the filmmakers used more than 2,000 extras, 30 Lebanese army vehicles and dozens of explosions - one of which wounded seven people.

The movie opens with blurry footage of Israeli troops panicking - apparently after Hezbollah crossed the border, killed three soldiers and captured two others, the event that sparked the war.

Cut to an Israeli military base: Col. Avi, the villain, lights a hotdog-sized cigar and orders troops to shell Aita al-Shaab, where the raid originated.

Then to the village itself, which is preparing for a wedding when word comes of the raid. The villagers mobilize for the Israeli response that soon arrives in a shower of shells. Some residents flee; the heroes remain.

One scene shows Um Abbas, a veiled Muslim woman, handing an armful of rifles to surprised young fighters.

A series of flashbacks soon reveal her history with Avi: He killed her son and husband years earlier, and she repaid him with a slash on his cheek, now a deep scar.

As Avi orders up more shelling, the casualties mount. A drone strike kills a man carrying medicine. After visiting his pregnant wife in an underground bunker, a leading fighter is surrounded by Israeli soldiers but detonates a hand grenade to kill himself and the Israelis instead of being taken prisoner.

Then the tide turns: Avi is addressing Israeli soldiers as a number of the nearly 4,000 rockets that Hezbollah fired during the war fly overhead.

In Beirut's Abraj theater during a recent screening, most of the 150 spectators burst into applause.

In the next scenes, roadside bombs and shoulder-fired missiles destroy Israeli tanks; village fighters rout an Israeli advance, sending terrified soldiers fleeing; and Umm Abbas emerges from a building with a sniper rifle as Avi falls dead in the street - all to huge applause.

The cheering continues when a baby is heard crying in the bunker - until the camera reveals its dead mother.

But the village celebrates anyway, and the credits roll as families return to their homes.

Not all Lebanese like the film. Some reviewers criticized the script as too simple. Bassem Alhakim lauded its special effects, but faulted it for reducing the Israeli colonel's war aims to a personal vendetta.

"In the film, he did not come to carry out an Israeli plan to destroy Hezbollah and disband the resistance," he wrote in the Al-Akhbar newspaper.

The audience at Abraj, however, was pleased.

Abu Asim Bazzeh, who brought his wife and three sons, aged 5, 12 and 14, praised the film's message.

"What really impressed me was the determination of the resistance to hang on to their land and be victorious, because that is what happened," he said.

When asked about his favorite part, his son Mahdi, 12, said, "the missiles."

The theater's manager, Raymond Chaanine, said the film had outsold everything else since it opened and that most who see it are Hezbollah supporters. He had not seen it, adding that not everyone wants to remember the war.

"It's all about taste," he said. "There are some Lebanese who don't want to see anything that has to do with war. Others love it."

--